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Ukraine International Airlines

New Members of USUBC From January 2007

(1)    American Continental Group, LLC
(2)    Atlantic Group
(3)    Bracewell & Giuliani LLP
(4)    Bunge North America
(5)    Cardinal Resources
(6)    Cisco Systems
(7)    The Coca-Cola Company
(8)    The Eurasia Foundation
(9)    Holtec International
(10)  Kennan Institute
(11)  Kyiv-Atlantic Group of Companies
(12)  Marathon Oil Corporation
(13)  Marks, Sokolov & Burd LLC
(14)  Northrop Grumman
(15)  Open World Leadership Center
(16)  Shell Oil Company
(17)  TD International, LLC
(18)  The State Export-Import Bank of         Ukraine
(19)  U.S. Civilian Research &         Development Foundation (CRDF)
(20)  U.S.-Ukraine Foundation
(21)  Ukrainian American Bar         Association (UABA)
(22)  Ukrainian-American         Environmental Association
(23)  Ukrainian Development Company
(24)  Vanco Energy Company
(25)  Ukrainian Federation of America
(26)  UPS
(27)  Softline Company
(28)  International Tax & Investment         Council (ITIC)
(29)  MaxWell Biocorporation
(30)  Baker & McKenzie
(31)  Dipol Chemical International Inc.
(32)  Och-Ziff Capital Management
(33)  MJA Asset Management, LLC
(34)  General Dynamics
(35)  Lockheed Martin Corporation
(36)  Squire, Sanders & Dempsey
(37)  Halliburton
(38)  DLA Piper Ukraine, LLC
(39)  EPAM Systems
(40)  DHL
(41)  Air Tractor, Inc.
(42)  Magisters
(43)  Ernst & Young LLC
(44)  Umbra, LLC
(45)  Crumpton Group
(46)  US PolyTech LLC
(47)  Vision TV LLC
(48)  Standard Chartered Bank
(49)  Rakotis
(50)  American Councils for         International Education
(51)  Intercontinental Commerce         Corporation (ICC)
(52)  TNK-BP Commerce LLC
(53)  Nationwide Equipment Company
(54)  IMTC-MEI
(55)  First International Resources LLC
(56)  Doheny Global Group
(57)  Foyil Securities, Inc.
(58)  KPMG
(59)  Asters Law Firm
(60)  Solid Team LLC
(61)  R & J  Trading International, Inc.
(62)  Vasil Kisil & Partners Law Firm
(63)  AeroSvit Ukrainian Airlines
(64)  ContourGlobal Ukraine
(65)  Winner Imports Ukraine, Ltd.
(66)  Anemone Green Capital
(67)  3M
(68)  CEC Government Relations
(69)  IBM Ukraine
(70)  Edelman Europe
(71)  RZB Finance LLC
(72)  SoftServe, Inc.
(73)  The Washington Group
(74)  Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld
(75)  SE Raelin/Cajo, Inc.
(76)  Mars Ukraine L.L.C.
(77)  AnaCom, Inc.
(78)  Pratt & Whitney - Paton
(79)  Pfizer

Photogallery
September 29, 2008 - USUBC breakfast with Victor Yushchenko, President of Ukraine

August 29, 2008 - USUBC working lunch with Raisa Bohatyr'ova, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine

August 7, 2008 - USUBC working lunch with U.S. Ambassador William Taylor, co-sponsored by UPS, at UPS Capitol Hill Townhouse, Washington, D.C.

Mar 4, 2008 - USUBC MEETING WITH RICHARD STEFFENS, U.S. Senior Commercial Officer

Jan 31, 2008 - Meeting With Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine Hryhoriy Nemyria

Jan 3, 2008 - Meeting With U.S. Ambassador William Taylor, Co-sponsored by Cargill, a USUBC Member

Dec 14, 2007 - Working Luncheon Featuring Ambassador Pifer, Anders Aslund, Keith Crane and Stephen Larabee.

Dec 07, 2007 - Meeting with Amb Taylor in Kyiv

Oct 19 - Meeting With Minister of Economy of Ukraine, Anatoliy Kinakh

Sept. 12 - Meeting With Ukraine's Deputy Minister of Economy, Natalia Boytsun

Aug 17 - Luncheon with U.S. Ambassador Taylor

Aug 15 - Reception for Bill Klein, U.S. Commercial Attache for Ukraine

Ukraine Macroeconomic Report

OECD Ukraine report

Ukraine Investment Barriers

Welcome to the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council

WHAT NEXT FOR TRADE AFTER WTO FAILURE? 
In order to stay relevant, the World Trade Organization must stress efficiency, liberalize initiatives, and adapt to changing realities

By Shanker Singham, Partner, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey
Business Week magazine, New York, NY, Wed, August 13, 2008
 
The collapse in the Doha round (BusinessWeek.com, 7/30/08) of trade negotiations has given us cause to take stock of the multilateral trade agenda and the problems that have dogged it since the failed WTO meeting in 1999 in Seattle. Unfortunately, looking back over the last near-decade in the multilateral trade negotiations, there have been very few bright spots.

Indeed the only one, the launch of the Doha round in November 2001, has proven to be a false dawn, resulting as much from a reaction to the horrors of September 11 as from a realization of the need to liberalize trade by the WTO's members.

What is clear from the last decade is that trade negotiators have fallen almost completely under the spell of mercantilism—that exports are good, imports are bad, and tariff reductions are concessions to be given only when something else is won from a trading partner. It is true that mercantilism has been always with us.

In the early days of trade negotiation, however, the fact that tariffs could be gradually reduced by harnessing this mercantilist impulse for a positive purpose was part of the genius of the system.

A NEW FRAMEWORK IS NEEDED 

As tariffs have come down and the new barriers become inside-the-border barriers, regulatory protection, and market distortions, the architecture of the trading system (at least on the multilateral level) cannot cope with the complex new reality.

The train of trade in the 21st century is different, but we insist on driving that train on the old lines. Instead we must change the lines, and develop a new architecture to frame the real trade issues of the day.

That architecture must now find a way of harnessing the very real mercantilist impulse in nations, which has always been with us, to ratchet down internal barriers, distortions, and anticompetitive practices.

Here are a number of ways that this might be done.

[1] On agricultural negotiations, the historic bugbear of global trade, reductions in developed-country subsidy programs must be accompanied by a reduction in the overall global measure of market distortion faced by agricultural companies in these countries. The goal must be to secure not only liberalized agricultural trade, but also competitive markets in agriculture.

As we have seen, working only on traditional agricultural tariffs and subsidies, while neglecting other market distortions such as regulatory bars and support for state-owned companies, will sink further discussions.

[2] Dealing with market distortions is not a mere add-on to the trade negotiation process. It is a vital part of discussions and the architecture must recognize this. Trade negotiators must recognize the role of market distortions.

[3] Willing countries must take the lead in crafting a set of agreements on public-sector restraints of trade that are uncompetitive or otherwise unjustified. These kinds of barriers are huge distorters of global trade and it is simply not rational not to deal with them.

Every step should be taken to encourage other WTO members to join these disciplines, but their failure to do so should not hold back those who wish to proceed.

[4] Countries must offer much more liberalization and liberalizing initiatives in the industrial goods and services area. Services trade is growing at a tremendous pace, and will soon be the dominant force in global trade.

It is regulatory barriers that distort services trade, and these must be dealt with comprehensively in negotiations. Those countries that liberalize these areas and lower their regulatory barriers will benefit enormously from doing so.

[5] In these days of rising food prices, and rising transportation costs, we must recognize the role that efficiency plays in solving many of these problems. China uses much more oil to generate the same level of economic growth as the U.S., for example.

Anything that would make the Chinese economy more efficient will help reduce demand to levels that are more sustainable. Competitive markets deliver efficiency, and will help with some of the world's most pressing problems now.

ADAPTING TO CHANGING REALITIES 

From the days of Adam Smith and David Ricardo, trade liberalization has been about reducing trade barriers so that the forces of competition could be liberated to lower prices for consumers and lift the poor out of poverty.

Trade liberalization's goals have not changed. By incorporating the points noted above, we can more clearly bring into focus for WTO members the fact that the overarching goal of free trade is to enhance consumer welfare and empower individual companies and their workers.

Future generations are counting on the trade system to evolve and adapt to changing realities, and to deal with the most pernicious problems that result in a lack of efficiency and damage trade. If we do not make the necessary adjustments now, when we have a chance to do so, the WTO will find itself increasingly irrelevant to the world's economic problems. Ultimately it is the poorest among us who will pay the price for our failure to act now.

NOTE: Shanker Singham is a partner in the economic regulation practice of the global law firm of Squire, Sanders & Dempsey.  Squire, Sanders & Dempsey is a member of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC), Washington, D.C.

LINK: http://www.businessweek.com/globalbiz/content/aug2008/gb20080813_489963.htm?campaign_id=rss_daily

 

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